- Carmelo Palma, The Century of Italy on August 4, 2010 -
sunt consequentia nominum Res. Democratic centralism "called" the expulsion, acts as the practice, because it regards them as a rule, the order itself as efficient, as the dissent sees as disorder. Clergy Leadership think that the physiology and pathology liberal democratic, that political freedom is included into the party and can not exceed.
The expulsion of Fini and Finian of the PDL is a logical consequence of the decision illogical of embalm the charismatic Berlusconi, and to provide for the liberal political means, and even the vocabulary, Leninist discipline. As if the liberal quality material only "out" and not "inside" and the rule of a party - like any human organization - do not give, much more of his projects, an accurate measure of its identity.
last April when the Department of PDL met to blunt criticism of the President of the Chamber, laid the basis for the charge and the sentence handed down last Friday by the Political Bureau of the PDL. And he did it with ease and nonchalance, as if words could express Leninist, but do not misrepresent the substance of a party by definition "liberal."
"The unity of action during the fight is absolutely necessary. No criticism, in the course of this struggle on fire, it is acceptable within the proletarian army "
Lenin wrote in 1906, thus explaining the democratic centralism:
" Freedom of discussion, unity Action: It ... 'this is a new principle in the practice of our party, and is therefore a need to work hard for its consistent application. "
of this "new" principle must take into account the members of the Politburo Berlusconi, drawing up a document that has the content, spirit and the letter of the original Lenin:
"The positions of Hon. Fini made themselves known more and more, not as a legitimate disagreement, but as a trickle of distinction or opposition against the government's program concluded with the voters and voted by the Chambers, as a criticism of destruction from the decisions taken by the party, however, notes and shared by all, and finally as a systematic attack directed at the role and figure of the Prime Minister. "
We were just to hold that a party could happen anomaly anarchist libertarian / Monarch of Berlusconi more believable than a party-sarcophagus built to hold, forever and ever, the mummy of the founder. It is said that this can not be recovered from the pond where it was thrown out with the bathwater of the "dissidents" in an operation that most suicide murderer, who has turned the tables and the party to disrupt the plans of a player. Moreover
from historical point of view the foundation of the PDL had passed, in theory definitively the logic of a center-right Berlusconi imprisoned in the relationship between a "clearance" and Fini "duty paid", and opened a different season, because light years away from their image of the '94 were now both characters.
A libertarian party, resembling more a market than a barracks and a square that a vestry, would expose the center-right Italian to many risks, but avoid the worst, the self-dissolution or Lebanonization, when it is less the ubi consistam consensus Berlusconi.
Moreover, it is not only the center-right, but the entire political system to be hung in this affair, which many insist to look like a private matter between the founder of the co-founder. The evolution of the Italian political system, the long transition from the end of the First Republic is leading us to the end of the parable Berlusconi, has seen the leadership to replace the anti-political parties and the order to replace partitocratico.
the "part-owners" have followed the "owners-party," giving our country a very special and anomalous variation in the "personalization" trend that is also a feature of contemporary politics. Map of Italian politics has been nailed for over fifteen years, a handful of names: Berlusconi, Bossi, Fini, Prodi, Casini, Bertinotti, Di Pietro D'Alema and the torque-Veltroni. The descent into the field of Berlusconi has not imposed, but consolidated the rule.
As in other advanced countries of the West changed parties leaders (even the oldest and most successful), the leader in Italy changed parties (only the league still has the name it had in 1994). Strong leaders and parties and immovable fragile and fungible condemned Italian politics to a strict discipline and a wrong platform, where they are most content to adapt to the formula than vice versa.
the PDL, as his "twin different," the Democratic Party, could push the Italian bipolar age adult, no longer crash the economy, but structural feature, no more lucky by-product of the dialectic between Berlusconi and antiberlusconismo, but the constitutive principle of the political game-election. The normalization of the political process set out in two major-party country (as is the case, beyond the electoral systems in almost all the major advanced countries), however, requires, first, the normalization of the parties. The parties to a normal democracy can not satisfy the exception but the rule of the system. How
wrote about Libertiamo.it Benedetto Della Vedova:
"The parties are in the small democratic systems that are in the large: a way to discuss and possibly Recipes change of government. One way to maybe wrong, maybe right ... not only for the unity of all (and I emphasize all) of the moderate and conservative political forces in the West is not guaranteed by statute advanced centralist regimes and charismatic, but from forms of political organization allowing the comparison of competitive proposals and alternative leadership. If this is physiological or elsewhere in the PDL is pathological, it is not wrong to assume that it is the others (all others) and that the only way to avoid, as it should, return to the past partitocratico is the consolidation of democracy "anti-party".
The PDL was to mark the transition from biography to history, after less than two years marks the return from history to biography. If Berlusconi had the right to substitute and that there was invented, with a good dose of accuracy and imagination, what could have been there, now, that is, the part that excommunication is not "his" and that not feel they belong. Berlusconi himself over the fifteen years has been anything but equal to himself, has steadily favored the existence of policy consistency to a program, sacrificing now this, now that the needs of economic policy. Primum live, deinde philosophari.
Strictly speaking, then there is an orthodoxy Berlusconi, if anything, an Orthodox Berlusconi, a call of the wild anti-political equal and opposite to the anti-Berlusconi. So it is not Berlusconi, Berlusconi himself but to be dressed in uniform and orthodox Bolshevik intellectuals of the house have sewn.
Carmelo Palma - 41, Turin, with a degree in philosophy, a publicist. E 'was radical political leader, the municipal council of Turin and the Piedmont Regional. One of the founders of the liberal reformers. Director of Liberté and www.libertiamo.it
CREDITS: Libertia & the Century of Italy
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